tailieunhanh - english sound structure part 23

english sound structure part 23. Bài tập luyện ngữ pháp tiếng anh cho mọi người, đây là tài liệu hay và hữu ích có thể giúp các bạn có thể nắm vững được các ngữ pháp tiếng anh cụ thể. | 296 Notes 39 Sheridan 1762 34 . 40 The phenomenon is sometimes referred to as hyper-rhoticity Wells 1982 221-2 Trudgill 1986 74 ff . In such systems the appearance of r in say comma r is not restricted to sandhi contexts which indicates that it has a lexical source as opposed to being inserted . In this respect hyper-rhotic dialects are similar to non-rhotic intrusive-r dialects as will become clear below. 41 The proposal that System C is subject to some kind of word-structure constraint is also made by McCarthy 1991 . His solution takes the form of a filter which places an embargo on final vowels in intrusive-r dialects. The term vowel in his formulation Vjword is an informal reference to a nuclear position occupied by other than a high vocalic segment. In other words it is a re-statement of the left-hand environment of the R-Epenthesis rule in 24 . Words ending in Uy or u ware licit as in see day too go . The constraint triggers r-insertion in words ending in non-high vowels such as a a or ar. This analysis is only valid for dialects with up-gliding diphthongs in DAY . ey and GO . ow . It cannot account for intrusive-r dialects in which the corresponding nuclei are occupied by the mid monophthongs e and or. such as the northern English varieties described in . The second portion of these monophthongs being non-high qualifies as a vowel in McCarthy s sense. It should thus be expected to give rise to intrusive r. This is not the case. As noted in e and o behave like ey and ow in yielding respectively y and w glides in hiatus hence de yav day of so wa so a . 42 The contrastive possibilities diminish to one or two vocalic contrasts in unstressed contexts as in the final vowels of words such as rapid abbot ribbon . But this is a function of the prosodic weakness of the nucleus within the foot and has nothing to do with the presence or absence of a following consonant. 43 For the details of this regularity which figures in exercise V of chapter 1 see