tailieunhanh - Cú pháp tiếng anh part 20
191 associated with (80) You have upset them. (On accusative case assignment in double object structures like give someone something, see Goodall 1999.) Summary We began this chapter in § by outlining the claim made by Luigi Rizzi that in clauses which contain preposed focus/topic expressions, CP splits into a number of separate projections, viz. a Force Phrase/ForceP, a Topic Phrase/TopP and a Focus Phrase/FocP (with a Focus head being strong in finite clauses in English, but not not a Topic or Force head). We pointed out that the split CP analysis of clauses raises interesting questions about the. | 191 associated with 80 You have upset them. On accusative case assignment in double object structures like give someone something see Goodall 1999. Summary We began this chapter in by outlining the claim made by Luigi Rizzi that in clauses which contain preposed focus topic expressions CP splits into a number of separate projections viz. a Force Phrase ForceP a Topic Phrase TopP and a Focus Phrase FocP with a Focus head being strong in finite clauses in English but not not a Topic or Force head . We pointed out that the split CP analysis of clauses raises interesting questions about the landing-site of preposed wh-expressions and we suggested that relative and exclamative wh-expressions move to the specifier position within the Force Phrase but that interrogative wh-expressions move to the specifier position within the Focus Phrase in main-clause questions though move to the specifier position within the Force Phrase in complement-clause questions . In we went on to examine Rizzi s claim that split CP structures also contain a Finiteness Phrase FinP. We noted his suggestion that clauses containing both a topicalised and a focalised constituent are ForceP TopP FocP FinP structures clauses containing only a topicalised but no focalised constituent are ForceP TopP FinP structures clauses containing a focalised but no topicalised constituent are ForceP FocP FinP structures and clauses which contain neither a focalised nor a topicalised constituent are simple CPs with the relevant force and finiteness features being syncretised on a single C head . In we went on to outline work by Chomsky Larson and Hale suggesting that VPs can be split into two distinct projections - an inner VP core headed by a lexical verb and an outer vP shell headed by an affixal light-verb. In particular we looked at the syntax of ergative verbs like roll which are used both intransitively in structures like The ball rolled down the hill and transitively in structures like They .
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